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Indian Ocean Slavery in the Age of Abolition$

Robert Harms, Bernard K Freamon, and David W. Blight

Print publication date: 2013

Print ISBN-13: 9780300163872

Published to Yale Scholarship Online: May 2014

DOI: 10.12987/yale/9780300163872.001.0001

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Islamic Abolitionism in the Western Indian Ocean from c. 1800

Islamic Abolitionism in the Western Indian Ocean from c. 1800

Chapter:
(p.81) 5 Islamic Abolitionism in the Western Indian Ocean from c. 1800
Source:
Indian Ocean Slavery in the Age of Abolition
Author(s):

William Gervase Clarence-Smith

Publisher:
Yale University Press
DOI:10.12987/yale/9780300163872.003.0005

Abstract and Keywords

Chapter 5 posits that Islamic abolitionism is not a contradiction in terms. It notes that a quasi-abolitionist line of thinking was the first to emerge among Muslim intellectuals in the nineteenth century, adhering to classical interpretations of Islamic law, but creating practical solutions for the elimination of slavery and slave-trading. The chapter then identifies three separate groups of thinkers on the abolition of slavery in Islam: (1) radical abolitionists; (2) gradual abolitionists; and (3) quasi-abolitionists. It reviews the opinions of the South Asian “modernists,” the Egyptian ulama, as well as several Sudanese scholars. It then considers the evolution of Shi’i attitudes towards slavery in Persia (Iran) before concluding with an account of the eventual abolition of slavery in Zanzibar. The chapter closes with a warning against generalities about Muslim attitudes towards slavery, pointing out that India produced a strident radical abolitionist and a strident influential defender of Muslim slavery.

Keywords:   Islamic abolitionism, modernists, quasi-abolitionists, radical, abolitionists, ulama

For Bernard Lewis, Islamic abolitionism is a contradiction in terms, for it was the West that imposed abolition on Islam, directly or indirectly.1 He stands in a long line of scholarship that stresses both the uniquely Western origins of the ending of slavery and the unchallenged religious legitimacy of slavery in Muslim eyes. Other scholars, however, have argued that some Muslims opposed slavery from within their own traditions, and that this eventually flowered into a fully abolitionist program.2 Islamic abolitionism was crucial to turning laws into lived reality, for it proved very difficult to suppress servitude on the ground. Only when most Muslims accepted abolition did social relations change.

Quasi abolitionists were the first to emerge. They did not directly question the legitimacy of slavery, but they believed that strictly enforcing Islamic teachings would cause slavery to wither away. This was because the scholars of Islam, the ulama, considered the normal condition of humanity to be freedom. Enslavement was permitted only through the capture of obdurate infidels in properly constituted holy wars, or through birth from such captives. Free persons could not sell themselves or their children into slavery and could not be enslaved for debts or crimes. No canonical text sanctioned the enslavement of noncombatants or the acquisition of infidels by purchase or tribute.3

(p.82) Since quasi abolitionism left open the possibility of renewed slavery under altered conditions, some Muslim reformers began to advocate an outright assault on the institution from the 1870s. “Lay” Muslims, influenced by Western abolitionism, spearheaded the movement. Radical abolitionists propounded the theory that slavery had been illicit since the time of the Prophet, whereas gradualist abolitionists thought that ending slavery had become possible only in modern times, with elements of quasi abolitionism creeping into their thinking.4

The South Asian Testing Ground

Prompted by a British magistrate in central India in 1808, the East India Company asked the Muslim muftis (legal experts) of its Calcutta court for a fatwa (legal opinion) on slavery. Affirming a quasi-abolitionist perspective, the muftis replied that it was legitimate only to enslave “infidels fighting against the faith,” without commenting on noncombatants. Enslaved persons passed on their status to their descendants, and were transferrable by sale, gift, or inheritance. The muftis rejected the sale of self or children, common in India in times of famine or for debt, and enslavement through kidnapping or fraud, frequent causes of servitude for imported Africans.5 In 1830, the judges of the civil court in Calcutta chose this fatwa over the generally applied Hidaya code (a twelfth-century commentary on jurisprudence), adding that owners had to prove slave status.6 The muftis of the company’s Madras court confirmed the fatwa of their Calcutta colleagues in 1841, three years before the colonial government ceased to recognize slavery in directly ruled British India.7

A conservative Muslim reaction ensued, becoming especially patent in the Indian Mutiny of 1857–58. For many Muslim participants, this anticolonial struggle was a jihad (holy war) to restore the dominance of the Mughal emperor and the shari’a (holy law), which underpinned the legitimacy of slavery. Thus, Shah Ahmad Sa‘id, an influential Naqshbandi Sufi (mystical) leader, affixed his seal to a fatwa justifying slavery, and a little later to another fatwa declaring the conflict with the British to be a jihad.8

Conversely, the defeat of the rebels was an opportunity for modernist Muslim intellectuals to oppose slavery outright. Sayyid Amir ‘Ali (1849–1928), a Shi‘a from Bengal, published A Critical Examination of the Life and Teachings of Mohammed in 1873, reprinted countless times thereafter under the catchy title The Spirit of Islam. In a famous passage, he wrote:

The Moslems especially, for the honour of their noble Prophet, should try to efface that dark page from their history—a page which would never have been (p.83) written but for their contravention of the spirit of his laws. … The day is come when the voice which proclaimed liberty, equality, and universal brotherhood among all mankind should be heard with the fresh vigour acquired from the spiritual existence and spiritual pervasion of thirteen centuries. It remains for the Moslems to show the falseness of the aspersions cast on the memory of the great and noble Prophet, by proclaiming in explicit terms that slavery is reprobated by their faith and discountenanced by their code.

Sayyid Amir ‘Ali was a gradualist who considered that only in his own day were the times ripe for this noble endeavor. He believed that the Qur’an disapproved of slavery, but that abolishing the institution overnight would have disrupted society and might have turned people against Islam. The Prophet thus ordered an immediate amelioration in the status and treatment of slaves and encouraged manumission, trusting that slavery would soon die out. Sayyid Amir ‘Ali blamed the Umayyad ruler Mu‘awiya, the arch-usurper of Shi‘i narratives, for authorizing the purchase of slaves from the infidel and the employment of servile eunuchs. To fulfill the Prophet’s expectations in his own times, Sayyid Amir ‘Ali hoped that “a synod of Moslem doctors will authoritatively declare that polygamy, like slavery, is abhorrent to the laws of Islam.”9

The standard-bearer of radical abolitionism was Sayyid Ahmad Khan (1817–98), a Sunni. For him, slavery was contrary to the will of God, and the institution should have disappeared soon after the first recitation of the Qur’an. The enslavement of war captives had been illegitimate from the dawn of Islamic history, for 47:4–5 in the Qur’an specified only ransom or immediate release. Moreover, these “freedom verses” could not be abrogated by verses revealed later to the Prophet. Sayyid Ahmad Khan further rejected the idea that slavery was no longer an issue just because it had been abolished by colonial legislation in 1843–44.10

Abolition gradually became part of a wider Islamic agenda for social reform, with some support for Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s radical position.11 Mawlwi Chiragh ‘Ali (1844–95), in the princely state of Hyderabad, censured “fanatical Moslems” who defended concubinage.12 Dilawar Husayn (1840–1914), a Bengali Shi‘a, also defended a strong stance.13 The Lahori branch of the Ahmadiyya sect, breaking away from the Qadiyani branch in 1914, turned radically against servitude.14 The debate flared up again in the 1930s when reformers fiercely resisted attempts to rehabilitate the validity of concubinage.15 Ghulam Ahmad Parwez (1903–85) was the most significant figure to carry the radical torch after Pakistan’s independence in 1947, adamantly rejecting all suggestions that slavery be reinstated in the new country.16

Other reformers were more circumspect. The Qadiyani Ahmadi hesitated for a long time over the issue.17 The Western-educated and liberal Aga Khan III (p.84) (ruled 1885–1957), head of the Nizari Isma‘ili (Khoja) community, praised the British in 1909 for abolishing slavery in India while not setting out any doctrinal justification for abolition.18 Muhammad Iqbal (1877–1938), poet and “intellectual father of Pakistan,” condemned slave purchases in the same year, but depicted Islamic slavery as an institution so benign as to have nothing in common with true servitude.19

Literalist and traditionalist Muslims in South Asia fought a tenacious battle to maintain the religious legitimacy of servitude. Siddiq Hasan Khan, prince consort of Bhopal and member of the Ahl-i-Hadis “Wahhabi” movement, staunchly defended the institution in the 1880s.20 Sayyid Muhammad Kifayatullah, president of the Jamiat ul-Ulama, in 1926 stressed the need to observe traditional rules on slavery.21 In works published as late as 1957, Mawlana Sa‘id Ahmad Akbarabadi, of the influential Deobandi school, denied that the Prophet had ever ordered the abolition of slavery, or even inspired it. At most, Islam had improved the status of slaves and recognized their humanity.22 In articles first published in English in 1972, Mawlana Sayyid Abul A‘la Mawdudi, founder of the literalist Jamaat-i Islami in 1941, upbraided Muslims for being ashamed of slavery, holy war, polygyny, and other fundamental aspects of their faith. To alter any part of Islam was to undermine the entire religious edifice.23 In 1977, when General Zia ul-Haqq seized power in Pakistan and applied shari‘a law, some argued, unsuccessfully, “that slavery cannot be abolished, since to do so would be to deny future generations the opportunity to commit the virtuous deed of freeing slaves.”24

From Caution to Radicalism in the Nile Valley

The Egyptian ulama quickly denounced the enslavement of free Muslims, but otherwise remained cautious. ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Jabarti (1754–1825), a distinguished scholar of Ethiopian origins, attacked Muhammad ‘Ali, pasha of Egypt, for seizing free Muslims during his conquest of Sudan from 1820.25 The Sudanese themselves accused Egyptian forces of enslaving Muslims for failing to pay illegitimate taxes.26 Wrongly enslaved free Muslims gained redress in shari‘a courts in Cairo, with the support of pious merchants.27

Methods of enslaving infidels were also increasingly questioned. In the 1810s, a Tunisian, Sheikh Muhammad b. ‘Umar al-Tunisi, noted that the sultans of Dar Fur and Wadai did not summon idolaters to adopt Islam before attacking and enslaving them.28 From 1820, Egyptian officers rounded up animists like cattle, with no suggestion that they might convert to Islam or live peacefully as protected subjects. Cowed survivors furnished a regular tribute in slaves.29 Egypt’s foreign minister and Cairo’s shaykh al-Islam admitted in (p.85) 1880 that the shari‘a prohibited paying tribute in slaves.30 By the early 1880s, the “vast majority” of Cairo’s ulama accepted that only unbelieving captives taken in a holy war could legitimately be enslaved.31

The ulama split over the establishment of Manumission Bureaus in Egypt in 1877, with some supporting this secular initiative.32 Others, however, insisted that women freed by such institutions had to obtain their owners’ consent to marry, allegedly driving the women to prostitution.33 The shaykh al-Islam refused to grant “the civil rights of a person born free” to those liberated by the bureaus, declaring that he “would be overriding the [holy] law in decreeing the abolition of slavery.”34 But he conceded that existing slavery was not in harmony with the shari‘a and that only custom, not holy law, enjoined automatically reducing infidel captives to slavery.35

Muhammad ‘Abduh (1849–1905), the great figure of Egyptian modernism, intervened in 1882. As a junior member of a government desperate to prevent a British assault, ‘Abduh sent a letter to Wilfrid Blunt, stating that:

The present Ministry is trying hard to suppress domestic slavery. The Mohammedan religion offers no obstacle at all to this; nay, according to Mohammedan dogma, Moslems are not allowed to have slaves except taken from infidels at war with them. In fact they are captives or prisoners taken in legal warfare, or who belonged to infidel peoples not in friendly alliance with Mohammedan princes, nor protected by treaties or covenants. But no Moslem is allowed to be taken as a slave. Moreover, if a person is an infidel, but belongs to a nation in peaceful treaty with a Mohammedan prince, he cannot be taken as a slave. Hence the Mohammedan religion not only does not oppose abolishing slavery as it is in modern times, but radically condemns its continuance…. A fatwa will in a few days be issued by the Sheykh el Islam to prove that the abolition of slavery is according to the spirit of the Koran, to Mohammedan tradition, and to Mohammedan dogma.36

‘Abduh’s position was somewhat contradictory, and other writings did little to clarify his position, even if conservatives roundly criticized him for opposing slavery.37 ‘Abduh argued that manumission was an obligatory form of charity, from which he deduced that freedom was the norm and could be suspended only in exceptional cases and in a transitory manner.38 While accepting that concubinage could be a legitimate by-product of war, he called on political and religious authorities to stamp out the practice in the name of the “public interest.”39 In his most influential work, he threw out a tantalizing rhetorical question, to be answered only later: “If religion eagerly anticipates the liberation of slaves, why have Muslims spent centuries enslaving the free?”40

‘Abduh’s forceful Syrian disciple Sayyid Muhammad Rashid Rida (1865–1935) published a host of partial opinions on slavery over several decades, (p.86) largely in response to questions from readers of the journal al-Manar. Generalizing from this medley of statements is difficult. There was certainly much that was inimical to slavery in Rida’s writings. He considered that there was no longer a caliph, who was needed to declare a holy war and testify that the enslavement of captives was in the public interest. Even led by a caliph, holy wars should be defensive. It was wrong to enslave noncombatant women and children, kidnap children, buy slaves from the infidel, or fail to seek proof of servile descent. Sudden liberation would have been disruptive in Islamic lands, but gradual abolition accorded with the spirit of Islam and was the final goal of the faith. Rulers were at liberty to decree abolition in the public interest.

Yet Rida’s views, which contained ambiguities, became more conservative over time. He clung to the notion that taking slaves in holy wars against infidel aggressors was licit as long as captives were not Muslims, Arabs, or close relatives. Children inherited servile status only if both their parents were slaves, a borrowing from Shi‘i law. In 1922, he opined that Muslims were obliged to retain slavery whenever their enemies did so, to improve their bargaining position. He noted that respected jurists rejected ‘Abduh’s notion that men should free and marry their concubines. Toward the end of his life, Rida even wrote that servitude could be a refuge for the poor and weak and could give all women a chance to bear children.41

A close associate, Ahmad Shafiq (1860–1940), the son of a Circassian concubine, revealed similar contradictions. In a rebuttal of Cardinal Lavigerie’s attacks on slavery in Islam, Shafiq argued in 1891 that international law on prisoners of war had superseded 47:4 in the Qur’an, and that few if any of Egypt’s existing slaves had been properly reduced to servitude. But he still maintained that unbelievers could be enslaved in a jihad “in the interest of Islam” as long as it was preceded by a summons to convert or accept Islamic rule. Moreover, the West should support efforts to convert animists in Egypt’s African empire, for free Muslims could not be enslaved.42

Egyptians long remained divided over the issue.43 The ulama told the British occupiers after 1882 that since the Prophet had not prohibited slavery, neither could they.44 Qasim Amin (1865–1908) called for monogamy in 1899–1900.45 His disciple Mansour Fahmy spelled out that this entailed the abolition of slavery, which had corrupted Muslim women.46 But Sheikh Muhammad Ahmad al-Bulaqi, of al-Azhar, angrily refuted the liberal theses of Amin and Fahmy regarding women.47 Several high-ranking Egyptians were arrested for buying slaves in 1894, and the subsequent trial, resulting in only one conviction, revealed much support for buying slaves, albeit not for selling them.48 In January 1896, the legislative council meekly accepted British-sponsored abolitionist legislation.49 (p.87)

Although abolition in 1896 caused little overt contestation in Egypt, traditionalists and literalists continued to hold that what the Qur’an specifically permitted could not be outlawed.50 At a 1908 congress of Islamic scholars, the majority pronounced that the shari‘a prohibited the making and owning of servile eunuchs, but a minority contested this ruling.51 Hasan al-Banna (1906–49), founder of the literalist Muslim Brothers, sidestepped the issue, stating, “Islam replaced the historical sentence for a captive from capital punishment (death) to life imprisonment through enslavement. However, Islam has made it very easy for the slave to regain his freedom.”52 The Muslim Brothers’ most famous ideologue, Sayyid Qutb (1906–66), was similarly vague and contradictory in scattered comments.53 Sayyid’s brother, Muhammad Qutb, tackled the issue at greater length. While appearing to condemn slavery and denouncing Muslim rulers who had enslaved Muslims and traded in slaves, he affirmed the superiority of bondage in Islam and announced that Muslims were obliged to enslave captives taken in war against infidels who did the same, even though he noted “in passing” that 47:4 in the Qur’an recommended freeing of prisoners of war. When non-Muslim nations decided to abolish slavery, “Islam welcomed it.” Nevertheless, in a long passage on servile concubines, he continued to recommend the practice as superior to Western adultery and prostitution.54

The Muslim Brothers gained great political influence in Sudan, and Hasan ‘Abdallah al-Turabi (1932–) became the regime’s éminence grise from 1989 to 2000. Even though the new Sudanese penal code of 1991, based on the shari‘a, failed to recognize slavery as licit, de facto enslavement boomed during campaigns against non-Muslim southerners.55 Quizzed about this in 1994, al-Turabi answered evasively that slavery had never been a “substantial institution” in Sudan before the Egyptian occupation, and that all men were equal in Islam.56

A Sudanese engineer, Mahmud Muhammad Taha (c. 1909–85) propagated a more radical and highly controversial stream of thought from 1967, the “second message of Islam.” Taha argued that the Prophet had outlined a radical social program, including abolition, in the early Meccan phase of his revelations. Once in control of Medina, Muhammad’s revelations had become more appropriate for ruling a community steeped in ancient traditions. Along gradualist lines, Taha argued that the Prophet had been forced to compromise with slavery’s centrality to the social order, but that the Medinan verses had only postponed the implementation of the Meccan teachings.57 ‘Abdullahi al-Na‘im, a disciple who took refuge in the United States after Taha’s execution for apostasy in 1985, taught that Islam had initially accepted slavery, but that modern Islamic law should “implement the fundamental Islamic (p.88) legislative intent to prohibit slavery forever.”58 Muhammad Khalil, a more radical disciple, deplored Taha’s concession that the Meccan verses had ever been suspended at all. With public interest as the guiding principle, slavery had been illegitimate since the time of the Prophet.59

Shi‘i Attitudes in Persia

Justin Sheil, a British diplomat in Tehran from 1844 to 1853, pressed Persia’s Muhammad Shah (ruled 1834–48) on the issue of slavery. Sheil argued that “the sacred law distinguished between slaves bought in commercial transactions and captives made in war,” and that kidnapped Africans were not proper slaves. The shah agreed in principle, but responded, “Buying women and men is based on the Shari‘a of the last Prophet. I cannot say to my people that I am prohibiting something which is lawful,” adding that by abolishing the slave trade, “I would prevent five thousand people a year from becoming Muslims. This would be a great sin, and I would get a bad name.”

Sheil’s quixotic campaign divided the ulama. In 1847, he consulted six Persian interpreters of the law, who cited a hadith (tradition) of the Prophet that “the seller of men is the worst of men,” deducing from this that the slave trade was an “abomination.” However, a more eminent mujtahid pronounced that infidels taken in war could be enslaved “in order to convert them to Islam.” The matter was then taken to the chief mujtahid of the holy city of Najaf, Iraq, who agreed that slavery was “discouraged” in Islam’s fivefold ethical system and that the hadith condemning the seller of men was valid. But in a deft piece of casuistry, he asserted that the buyer of slaves was exempt from the censure proclaimed upon the seller. In the event, Muhammad Shah issued a vaguely worded prohibition on importing slaves by sea shortly before his death.60

Formal legislation had little impact for decades in Persia, where officials believed the trade to be religiously licit. Indeed, slaves freed without a letter of manumission from their owners suffered from social death, since nobody would employ them. At best, captives, including Sunni Muslims, might be legitimately freed on adopting the Shi‘i creed.61 Muhammad Shah’s decree of 1848 was largely ignored, and in any event was not applicable to the overland trade; later legislation fared no better.62 Yet doubts emerged among those exposed to Western ideas. Around 1900, Taj al-Saltana, a Persian princess educated on French lines, wrote of the African slaves of the palace as “creatures whom God has made no differently from others except for the colour of their skins—a distinction that in all honesty does not exist at the divine threshold.”63

Bernard Lewis alleges that Persia’s new constitutional legislation, which established equality before the law and individual freedom in 1907, abolished (p.89) servitude, but Robert Brunschvig had earlier noted that this was not the case.64 Indeed, a leading constitutionalist from Najaf, Muhammad Husayn Na‘ini, in 1909 ridiculed those who alleged that the new laws would impose apostasy by erasing social differences between “the free and the coerced.”65 During the struggle for the constitution in 1905–6, elite circles became obsessed with the fate of northeastern women who had either been sold by their parents to pay taxes or seized by Turkmen raiders from Russian territory, but the debate focused on the national shame of women being sold abroad to unbelievers and heretics. Only Sayyid Muhammad Tabataba‘i, a leading ‘alim’ (scholar) of Tehran, made oblique references to persistent slavery in Persia itself.66

It was the mujtahid and Ni‘matullahi Sufi leader ‘Ali Shah (1847–1918) who issued an uncompromising fatwa in 1912. A supporter of the constitution, he stated, “The purchase and sale of human beings is contrary to the dictates of religion and the practice of civilisation; and therefore in our eyes any persons, men or women alike, who are claimed as slaves, are in legal fact completely free, and the equals of all other Muslims of their community.” There had been no properly constituted jihad after the last Shi‘i Imam had been occulted, and it was impossible to prove unbroken descent from slaves on both the maternal and paternal side over a millennium.67 It was left to Riza Shah to enact abolitionist legislation in 1928–29, albeit without religious underpinnings.68

This failed to end the debate in Persia. Intellectuals passionately discussed Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s frontal attacks on slavery, which appeared in an Arabic edition of his work in 1958.69 ‘Ali Shari‘ati (1933–77), a popular radical Islamic lecturer in Tehran from 1967 to 1973, denounced slavery as one of the “evils of class society” that true Islam would overthrow.70 Conversely, in 1970, Sultanhussein Tabandeh queried the validity of the abolitionist fatwa of his grandfather, ‘Ali Shah. Tabandeh maintained that anybody “taken prisoner fighting against Islam with a view to its extirpation, and [who] persisted in his sacrilegious and infidel convictions” would still be a slave, as would anyone for whom there was “legal proof that all his ancestors without exception had been slaves descended from a person taken prisoner.”71

After the overthrow of the shah in 1979, the ayatollahs perpetuated confusion over servitude. Despite his sobriquet of “champion of the oppressed,” Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini lent his name to a popular “question and answer” book that treated slavery as an integral part of holy law.72 Sayyid Mahmud Taleqani, the “red ayatollah,” argued that Islam’s commitment to social equality was antithetical to slavery and that modern Muslims should reject the institution. Reducing fellow Muslims to slavery was a Sunni abuse. Nevertheless, it would have been counterproductive for Muhammad to abolish the institution, and Muslims treated slaves better than infidels ever (p.90) did. Taleqani even condoned enslavement in a properly constituted defensive jihad, citing 47:4 in the Qur’an and later commentaries, and repeated the old distinction between rejecting the sale of slaves and accepting their purchase.73

The Ibadi Empire, from Oman to Zanzibar

The ruling class of the Omani empire, in the northwestern Indian Ocean, adhered to the Ibadi sect, which had a reputation for radicalism and egalitarianism. The Ibadi ulama certainly denounced standing armies of slaves, but that was for political reasons and not because they objected to servitude as such. Indeed, Ibadi entrepreneurs came to figure prominently among Muslim slave traders in Africa.74

Ending the slave trade, as demanded by Britain, posed religious problems for the sultans. To explain the Moresby Treaty of 1822, which restricted slave exports to a mainly Muslim zone of the western Indian Ocean, Sayyid Sa‘id b. Sultan Al Bu Sa‘id (ruled 1806–56), declared that he was merely prohibiting the sale of slaves “to Christians of all nations,” as demanded by the shari‘a. He omitted to say that his predecessors had shown no such qualms in selling slaves to the French from the 1780s.75 Ending the trade with Islamic lands was more difficult, and Sayyid Sa‘id wrote plaintively in 1826 that he would be forced into exile, since “all Muslims would be his enemies.”76 Indeed, the 1845 treaty prohibiting exports of slaves beyond coastal waters prompted the sharif of Mecca to send an envoy to remonstrate with the sultan in 1850.77

Restricted to Oman’s East African territories after Sayyid Sa‘id’s death, the rulers of Zanzibar reacted variously to British demands to end slavery itself. Sultan Barghash (ruled 1870–88) pleaded for time because of “the weight of Muslim opinion.”78 He opined that “the Koran sanctions slavery,” even if it earnestly enjoined manumission.79 At best, he threatened prison sentences for those caught kidnapping Muslim children on the coast.80 In contrast, Sultan Hamud b. Muhammad (ruled 1896–1902) rapidly proclaimed the abolition of slavery on the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba in 1897. When chosen by the British to succeed to the throne, he owned no slaves, which the American consul attributed to poverty.81 Personal conviction seems a more likely explanation, since even the poorest free family owned a slave in Zanzibar at the time.82 In a preamble to his decree, Sultan Hamud wrote: “And whereas the Apostle Mohamed … has set before us as most praiseworthy the liberation of slaves, and We are Ourselves desirous of following his precepts.”83 While defending abolition in Islamic terms, he also portrayed it as a generous personal act, and one necessary to obtain free labor for plantations in a colonial context.84

(p.91) Abolition, officially decreed on the mainland ten years later, met with considerable passive resistance from Muslims, whether Ibadi or of the Shafi‘i school of Sunni Islam. Some East African owners refused British compensation, while others took the money but argued that the Europeans had bought their slaves, who could therefore not become their clients.85 Even slaves “believed that waiting for their master to manumit them would improve their social status more than the piece of paper provided by an alien authority.”86 Muslims generally spurned manumission certificates signed by officials, or even by the sultan, so that the latter persuaded owners to sign instead.87 Religious courts long continued to deal with slavery in matters of concubinage, marriage, inheritance, and the allocation of land to those of servile origin.88

Sufism, more typical of Shafi‘i than of Ibadi Islam, was important in integrating former slaves into the body of the faithful in East Africa. Somalia’s main Sufi orders formed agricultural settlements for ex-slaves in areas marginal for pastoralism.89 In Tanganyika, the former slave Ramiyya symbolically became a sheikh of the Qadiriyya order, together with Rumaliza, once a great slave trader.90 In Lamu, Kenya, Habib Salih was from a Hadhrami lineage descended from the Prophet and was a member of the ‘Alawiyya order. He worked among former slaves from the 1880s, persuading ex-masters to frequent the same mosque, and became known as the “Sharif of the coconut cutters.”91 He remains a revered and much-cited figure for Muslims of the western Indian Ocean.

The Ibadi ulama of Zanzibar initially defended servitude, and only gradually shifted their position. Sheikh ‘Ali b. Msellum al-Khalassi, the Ibadi chief qadi (judge), openly defied abolitionist legislation in 1909, contributing to British threats to sack him.92 The holder of this position in 1914, Sheikh ‘Ali b. Muhammad al-Mundhiri, maintained that slaves freed by the government could not become clients of their former owners, but that it was legitimate for infidels to buy slaves and emancipate them, even if their owners objected, for “the aim was honourable under Islam.” Liberated individuals were entitled to all the rights of free persons. In a pragmatic vein, he further noted that any Islamic judge who opposed the colonial authorities risked dismissal.93

Opinions in Oman were also evolving. Zanzibari petitioners asked the famous blind Ibadi scholar ‘Abdallah b. Hamid al-Salimi (1869/70–1914) whether it was lawful to hire slaves freed by Europeans without their owners’ consent, and whether such slaves were allowed to marry without their owners’ permission. Al-Salimi answered that abolition was “a scourge that has stricken Zanzibaris, as a punishment for the injustice they inflicted upon the slaves.” He ruled that abolition was acceptable if the intentions of Christians were honorable, but not if their motives were “extortion and injustice.”94 An Ibadi imam who was fighting the sultan eventually “repudiated slavery” in (p.92) 1963.95 He was probably seeking to strengthen support received from Faysal b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, who had rather unexpectedly abolished slavery in 1962 in Saudi Arabia.96 In 1970, on seizing power in Oman, the Western-educated Sultan Qabus officially ended servitude.97.

These case studies demonstrate that there was an Islamic abolitionist process at work in the western Indian Ocean, even if it was hotly opposed. Indeed, it is hard to pinpoint the moment when the majority of Muslims accepted abolition as religiously legitimate. Like a host of other authors, Khaled Abou el Fadl is vague about chronology: “Muslims of previous generations reached the awareness that slavery is immoral and unlawful, as a matter of conscience.”98 The 1960s probably constituted the decade during which an Islamic consensus against slavery became dominant, mainly informed by the cautious gradualism of Sayyid Amir ‘Ali. That said, a minority of Muslims has continued to contest this consensus to our own day.99

These case studies warn against simplistic notions of a progressive Islamic “heartland” and a reactionary “periphery.” While there is some truth to the idea that traditionalist Muslims clinging to slavery lived mainly in remote peripheries, those who elaborated literalist justifications for slavery often lived in core regions of the faith. Indeed, South Asia produced both the most defiant literalist advocate for slavery, Sayyid Abul A‘la Mawdudi, and the most radical modernist denier of slavery, Sayyid Ahmad Khan. As a final irony, both men claimed descent from the Prophet.

Notes

(1) . Bernard Lewis, Race and Slavery in the Middle East: An Historical Enquiry (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 78–84.

(2) . For a more detailed overview of the literature, see William Gervase Clarence-Smith, Islam and the Abolition of Slavery (London: Hurst, 2006), 16–19.

(3) . R. Brunschvig, ‘“Abd,” The Encyclopaedia of Islam, ed. H. A. R. Gibb, J. H. Kramers, E. Levi-Provencal, and J. Schacht, 2nd ed. (Leiden: Brill, 1960): 1:24–40.

(4) . Clarence-Smith, Islam and Abolition, chapters 10–11; John Hunwick, “Islamic Law and Polemics over Race and Slavery in North and West Africa, Sixteenth to Nineteenth Century,” Princeton Papers: Interdisciplinary Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 7 (1999): 43–68.

(5) . Amal K. Chattopadhyay, Slavery in the Bengal Presidency, 1772–1843 (London: Golden Eagle, 1977), 158, 170–77.

(6) . D. R. Banaji, Slavery in British India (Bombay: Taraporevala Sons, 1933), 43.

(7) . Indrani Chatterjee, Gender, Slavery and Law in Colonial India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999), 213.

(p.93) (8) . Avril Powell, “Indian Muslim Modernists and the Issue of Slavery in Islam,” in Slavery and South Asian History, ed. Indrani Chatterjee and Richard Eaton (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006), 271–72.

(9) . Ameer Ali, The Life and Teachings of Mohammed; or, The Spirit of Islam (London: W. H. Allen, 1891), 330–31, 366–80.

(10) . Powell, “Indian Muslim Modernists,” 269–74; Ahmed Khan Bahador, Life of Mohammed and Subjects Subsidiary Thereto (1870; reprint, Lahore: Sh. Mubarak Ali, 1979), 422–27; M. S. Baljon, The Reforms and Religious Ideas of Sir Ahmad Khan (Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1970), 43–44, 143; Bashir A. Dar, Religious Thought of Sayyid Ahmad Khan (Lahore: Dr. Khalifa Abdul Hakim, 1957), 236–39; 258–60; Shan Muhammad, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan: A Political Biography (Meerut, India: Meenakshi Prakashan, 1969), 214–17.

(11) . M. Mujeeb, The Indian Muslims (London: Allen and Unwin, 1967), 450–51; Powell, “Indian Muslim Modernists,” 274–79.

(12) . Cherágh Ali, The Proposed Political, Legal, and Social Reforms in the Ottoman Empire and Other Mohammadan States (Bombay: Education Society’s Press, 1883), xxxii–xxxiii, 144–83; Cherágh Ali, A Critical Exposition of the Popular Jihad (Calcutta: Thacker, Spink, 1885), 193–215.

(13) . Ahamed Meerza Delawarr Hosaen, Muslim Modernism in Bengal: Selected Writings of Delawarr Hosaen Ahamed Meerza, 1840–1913 (Dacca: Centre for Social Studies, Dacca University, 1980), 1:iii–vii, x, 24, 59–60, 65.

(14) . Muhammad ‘Ali, The Holy Qur-an, Containing the Arabic Text with an English Translation and Commentary (Lahore: Ahmadiyya Anjuman Isha‘at-i-Islam, 1920), 78, 975, 1192, and The Religion of Islam: A Comprehensive Discussion of the Sources, Principles, and Practices of Islam (Lahore: Ahmadiyya Anjuman Isha‘at-i-Islam, 1936), 587, 661–70.

(15) . V. R. and L. B. Bevan Jones, Women in Islam: A Manual with Special Reference to Conditions in India (Lucknow: Lucknow Publishing House, 1941), 207–10; M. H. Zaidi, Mothers of the Faithful: Being a Discourse on Polygamy, with a Biographical Sketch of the Wives of Muhammad (Calcutta, 1935), 85–6, 89–91.

(16) . Ghulam A. Parwez, Islam: A Challenge to Religion (New Delhi: Islamic Book Service, 1989), 345–46; Ishtiaq Ahmed, The Concept of an Islamic State: An Analysis of the Ideological Controversy in Pakistan (London: Frances Pinter, 1987), 133.

(17) . Hazrat Mirza Bashir-ud-Din Mahmud Ahmad, Ahmadiyyat; or, The True Islam (Qadian: Book Depot, 1924), 331–33.

(18) . Aga Khan III, Aga Khan III: Selected Speeches and Writings of Sir Sultan Muhammad Shah (London: Kegan Paul International, 1998), 1:117–18, 310.

(19) . Muhammad Iqbal, “Islam as a Moral and Political Ideal,” in Modernist Islam, 1840–1940: A Sourcebook, ed. Charles Kurzman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 304, 307–8.

(20) . Barbara D. Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–1900 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982), 268–69, 278–80.

(21) . Achille Sékaly, Le congrés du khalifat (Le Caire 13–19 mai 1926) et le congrés du monde musulman (La Mekke, 7 juin–5 juillet 1926) (Paris: Leroux, 1926), 201.

(p.94) (22) . Aziz Ahmad, Islamic Modernism in India and Pakistan, 1857–1964 (London: Oxford University Press, 1967), 254–55; Mujeeb, Indian Muslims, 450.

(23) . Abul A‘la Maududi, Purdah and the Status of Woman in Islam (Lahore: Islamic Publications, 1972), 20–22, 28, 218–19.

(24) . Jamal J. Elias, Islam (London: Routledge, 1999), 108.

(25) . Gilbert Delanoue, Moralistes et politiques musulmans dans l’égypte du XIXe siècle (Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, 1982), 57.

(26) . Jay Spaulding, “Slavery, Land Tenure, and Social Class in the Northern Turkish Sudan,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 15, no. 1 (1982): 4, 10–12.

(27) . Terence Walz, “Black Slavery in Egypt during the Nineteenth Century, as Reflected in the Mahkama Archives of Cairo,” in Slaves and Slavery in Muslim Africa, ed. John R. Willis II (London: Frank Cass, 1985), 147–49, 158.

(28) . Mohammed ibn-Omar el-Tounsy, Voyage au Darfour (Paris: Benjamin Duprat, 1845), viii–xi, 269–70; Mohammed ibn-Omar el-Tounsy, Voyage au Ouadây (Paris: Benjamin Duprat, 1851), 404–5, 467–90.

(29) . John Hunwick and Eve Troutt Powell, The African Diaspora in the Mediterranean Lands of Islam (Princeton, N.J.: Markus Wiener, 2002), 53–54.

(30) . Y. Hakan Erdem, Slavery in the Ottoman Empire and Its Demise, 1800–1909 (London: Macmillan, 1996), 89–90.

(31) . Gabriel Baer, “Slavery and Its Abolition,” in Studies in the Social History of Modern Egypt, ed. Gabriel Baer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969), 163–66.

(32) . R. W. Beachey, A Collection of Documents on the Slave Trade of Eastern Africa, (London: Rex Collings 1976), 33.

(33) . Judith E. Tucker, Women in Nineteenth-Century Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 177–78, 187–88; Baer, “Slavery and Its Abolition,” 183–85.

(34) . Erdem, Slavery in the Ottoman Empire, 89–90.

(35) . Baer, “Slavery and Its Abolition,” 188; Tucker, “Women in Nineteenth-Century Egypt,” 178.

(36) . Wilfrid Blunt, Secret History of the English Occupation of Egypt (London: Fisher Unwin, 1907), 253–54.

(37) . Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798–1939 (London: Oxford University Press, 1970), 222–23.

(38) . Riad Nourallah, personal communication.

(39) . Jacques Jomier, Le commentaire coranique du Manâr: Tendances modernes de l’exégèse coranique en égypte (Paris: Maisonneuve, 1954), 231–32.

(40) . Muhammad ‘Abduh, The Theology of Unity (London: Allen and Unwin, 1966), 152–54.

(41) . Rida’s ideas need to be pieced together from a variety of sources: Amal Ghazal, “Debating Slavery in the Arab Middle East: Abolition between Muslim Reformers and Conservatives,” in Slavery, Islam, and Diaspora, ed. Behnaz Mirzai, Ismael M. Montana, and Paul E. Lovejoy (Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 2009), 139–54; Mazheruddin Siddiqi, Modernist Reformist Thought in the Muslim World (Islamabad: Islamic Research (p.95) Institute, 1982), 182; A. Chris Eccel, Egypt, Islam, and Social Change: Al-Azhar in Conflict and Accommodation (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz, 1984), 416–17; M. A. Zaki Badawi, The Reformers of Egypt (London: Croom Helm, 1978), 114; Hourani, Arabic Thought, 142, 239; Jomier, Le commentaire coranique, 231–35.

(42) . Ahmed Chafik, L’esclavage au point de vue musulman, 2nd ed. (Cairo: Imprimerie Nationale, 1938).

(43) . Diane Robinson-Dunn, The Harem, Slavery, and British Imperial Culture: Anglo-Muslim Relations in the Late Nineteenth Century (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006), ch. 2.

(44) . Erdem, Slavery in the Ottoman Empire, 92.

(45) . ‘Abdelhamid M. Ahmad, Die Auseinandersetzung zwischen al-Azhar und der modernistischen Bewegung in Ägypten (Hamburg: Universität Hamburg, 1963), 103–8; Hourani, Arabic Thought, 164–70.

(46) . Mansour Fahmy, La condition de la femme dans l’Islam (Paris: éditions Allia, 1990), 9–12, 93–113, 159–60.

(47) . Ahmad, Die Auseinandersetzung, 101, 104–5.

(48) . Eve M. Troutt Powell, A Different Shade of Colonialism; Egypt, Great Britain, and the Mastery of the Sudan (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2003), 147–49, 150–5.

(49) . Baer, “Slavery and Its Abolition,” 188.

(50) . Eccel, Egypt, Islam, and Social Change, 417.

(51) . Demetrius A. Zambaco, Les eunuques d’aujourd’hui et ceux de jadis (Paris: Masson, 1911), 36–38.

(52) . Hasan al-Banna, “Peace in Islam” (1948), http://www.youngmuslims.ca/online_library/books/peace_in_islam.

(53) . Sayed Kotb [Sayyid Qutb], Social Justice in Islam, trans. John B. Hardie (New York: Octagon, 1970), 44, 47–49, 112–13, 136, 156–59, 214.

(54) . Muhammad Qutb, Islam: The Misunderstood Religion (Kuwait: al-Assriya, 1967), 62–99, 101–7, 110.

(55) . Ronald Segal, Islam’s Black Slaves: The Other Black Diaspora (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2001), 216–20.

(56) . Judith Miller, God Has Ninety-Nine Names: Reporting from a Militant Middle East (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), 129, 160.

(57) . Mahmoud M. Taha, The Second Message of Islam (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1987), 2–23; 31, 47, 137–38, 161–64.

(58) . ‘Abdullahi A. an-Na‘im, “Shari‘a and Basic Human Rights Concerns,” in Liberal Islam: A Sourcebook, ed. Charles Kurzman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 228–31, 234, 237.

(59) . Mohamed I. Khalil, “Human Rights and Islamization of the Sudan Legal System,” in Religion and Conflict in Sudan, ed. Yusuf Fadl Hasan and Richard Gray (Nairobi: Paulines Publications Africa, 2002), 58–71.

(60) . John B. Kelly, Britain and the Persian Gulf, 1795–1880 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 495, 594–604; Behnaz A. Mirzai, “The 1848 Abolitionist Farman: A Step Towards Ending the Slave Trade in Iran,” in Abolition and Its Aftermath in Indian Ocean Africa and Asia, ed. Gwyn Campbell (London: Routledge, 2005), 94–102.

(p.96) (61) . Heinz-Georg Migeod, Die persische Gesellschaft unter Nasiru’d-Din Sah, 1848–1896 (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz, 1990), 333, 339–44; Jakob E. Polak, Persien, das Land und seine Bewohner (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1865), 1:248–49, 252–53.

(62) . Vanessa Martin, The Qajar Pact: Bargaining, Protest and the State in Nineteenth-Century Persia (London: Tauris, 2005), 160–64.

(63) . Taj al-Saltana, Crowning Anguish: Memoirs of a Persian Princess from the Harem to Modernity (Washington: Mage, 1993), 34, 113.

(64) . Lewis, Race and Slavery, 79; Brunschvig, “Abd,” 38–39. For the laws, see Eugéne Aubin, La Perse d’aujourd’hui: Iran, Mesopotamie (Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1908), 210–12; Martin, Qajar Pact, 165.

(65) . Muhammad Husayn Na‘ini, “Government in the Islamic Perspective,” in Kurzman, Modernist Islam, 124.

(66) . Afsaneh Najmabadi, The Story of the Daughters of Quchan: Gender and National Memory in Iranian History (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1998), 40–41, 48.

(67) . Sultanhussein Tabandeh, A Muslim Commentary on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (London: Goulding, 1970), vii–viii, 26–27.

(68) . Mohamed Awad, Report on Slavery (New York: United Nations, 1966), 77; Brunschvig, “Abd,” 39.

(69) . Forough Jahanbakhsh, Islam, Democracy, and Religious Modernism in Iran, 1953–2000, from Bazargan to Soroush (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 38.

(70) . Ali Shar‘iati, On the Sociology of Islam (Berkeley: Mizan, 1979), 103–9.

(71) . Tabandeh, Muslim Commentary, vii–viii, 27.

(72) . Ruhollah M. Khomeini, A Clarification of Questions (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1984), xvi, 86, 220, 254, 274, 278, 353, 354, 429.

(73) . Seyyed Mahmood Taleqani, Islam and Ownership (Lexington, Ky.: Mazda, 1983), xii–xiii, 186–200.

(74) . Patricia Risso, Oman and Muscat: An Early Modern History (London: Croom Helm, 1986) 27, 46; Risso, Merchants and Faith: Muslim Commerce and Culture in the Indian Ocean (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1995) 14, 93; John C. Wilkinson, The Imamate Tradition of Oman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 222.

(75) . C. S. Nicholls, The Swahili Coast: Politics, Diplomacy, and Trade on the East African Littoral, 1798–1856 (London: Allen and Unwin, 1971), 222–24, 231; Beatrice Nicolini, Il sultanato di Zanzibar nel XIX secolo; traffici commerciali e relazioni internazionali (Turin: L’Harmattan Italia, 2002), 138, 140; M. Reda Bhacker, Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar: The Roots of British Domination (London: Routledge, 1992), 103.

(76) . Nicholls, Swahili Coast, 226, 244.

(77) . R. W. Beachey, The Slave Trade of Eastern Africa (London: Rex Collings, 1976), 52–53.

(78) . Kelly, Britain and the Persian Gulf, 632.

(79) . Bartle Frere, “Correspondence Respecting Sir Bartle Frere’s Mission to the East Coast of Africa, 1872–73,” in Parliamentary Papers 61 (C–820, 1873), 51, 54.

(80) . Lyndon Harries, Swahili Prose Texts: A Selection from the Material Collected by Carl Velten from 1893 to 1896 (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), 206–7.

(81) . Norman R. Bennett, A History of the Arab State of Zanzibar (London: Methuen, 1978), 179 (p.97) .

(82) . Bhacker, Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar, 132.

(83) . Beachey, Documents on the Slave Trade, 125.

(84) . Arthur H. Hardinge, A Diplomatist in the East (London: Cape, 1928), 197; L. W. Hollingsworth, Zanzibar under the Foreign Office, 1890–1913 (London: Macmillan, 1953), 217.

(85) . Ahmed I. Salim, Swahili-Speaking Peoples of Kenya’s Coast, 1895–1965 (Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1973), 112, 114; Patricia W. Romero, Lamu: History, Society, and Family in an East African Port City (Princeton, N.J.: Markus Wiener, 1997), 123, 129–30; Frederick Cooper, From Slaves to Squatters: Plantation Labor and Agriculture in Zanzibar and Coastal Kenya, 1890–1925 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1980), 52, 74–76; Hardinge, Diplomatist, 362–63.

(86) . Cooper, From Slaves to Squatters, 76.

(87) . Beachey, Documents on the Slave Trade, 38–9; Hardinge, Diplomatist, 363–64.

(88) . J. Spencer Trimingham, Islam in East Africa (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964), 137–38, 148; Margaret Strobel, Muslim Women in Mombasa, 1890–1975 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1979), 51–54; Cooper, From Slaves to Squatters, 189–90, 229; Romero, Lamu, 130–31, 147, 158–59.

(89) . Lee V. Cassanelli, “The Ending of Slavery in Italian Somalia: Liberty and the Control of Labor, 1890–1935,” in The End of Slavery in Africa, ed. Suzanne Miers and Richard Roberts (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988), 322–23.

(90) . K. S. Vikør, “Sufi Brotherhoods in Africa,” in The History of Islam in Africa, ed. N. Levtzion and R. L. Pouwels (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2000), 448–49.

(91) . A. H. M. el-Zein, The Sacred Meadows: A Structural Analysis of Religious Symbolism in an East African Town (Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1974), 117–43.

(92) . Randall L. Pouwels, Horn and Crescent: Cultural Change and Traditional Islam on the East African Coast, 800–1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 120, 191.

(93) . Strobel, Muslim Women in Mombasa, 52.

(94) . Amal Ghazal, personal communication.

(95) . Suzanne Miers, Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem (Walnut Creek, Calif.: AltaMira, 2003), 360.

(96) . Gerald de Gaury, Faisal: King of Saudi Arabia (London: Barker, 1966), 151, 155.

(97) . Miers, Slavery in the Twentieth Century, 347.

(98) . Khaled Abou el Fadl, Speaking in God’s Name: Islamic Law, Authority, and Women (Oxford: Oneworld, 2001), 269.

(99) . Clarence-Smith, Islam and Abolition, 219–21.

(p.98)

Notes:

(1) . Bernard Lewis, Race and Slavery in the Middle East: An Historical Enquiry (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 78–84.

(2) . For a more detailed overview of the literature, see William Gervase Clarence-Smith, Islam and the Abolition of Slavery (London: Hurst, 2006), 16–19.

(3) . R. Brunschvig, ‘“Abd,” The Encyclopaedia of Islam, ed. H. A. R. Gibb, J. H. Kramers, E. Levi-Provencal, and J. Schacht, 2nd ed. (Leiden: Brill, 1960): 1:24–40.

(4) . Clarence-Smith, Islam and Abolition, chapters 1011; John Hunwick, “Islamic Law and Polemics over Race and Slavery in North and West Africa, Sixteenth to Nineteenth Century,” Princeton Papers: Interdisciplinary Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 7 (1999): 43–68.

(5) . Amal K. Chattopadhyay, Slavery in the Bengal Presidency, 1772–1843 (London: Golden Eagle, 1977), 158, 170–77.

(6) . D. R. Banaji, Slavery in British India (Bombay: Taraporevala Sons, 1933), 43.

(7) . Indrani Chatterjee, Gender, Slavery and Law in Colonial India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999), 213.

(p.93) (8) . Avril Powell, “Indian Muslim Modernists and the Issue of Slavery in Islam,” in Slavery and South Asian History, ed. Indrani Chatterjee and Richard Eaton (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006), 271–72.

(9) . Ameer Ali, The Life and Teachings of Mohammed; or, The Spirit of Islam (London: W. H. Allen, 1891), 330–31, 366–80.

(10) . Powell, “Indian Muslim Modernists,” 269–74; Ahmed Khan Bahador, Life of Mohammed and Subjects Subsidiary Thereto (1870; reprint, Lahore: Sh. Mubarak Ali, 1979), 422–27; M. S. Baljon, The Reforms and Religious Ideas of Sir Ahmad Khan (Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1970), 43–44, 143; Bashir A. Dar, Religious Thought of Sayyid Ahmad Khan (Lahore: Dr. Khalifa Abdul Hakim, 1957), 236–39; 258–60; Shan Muhammad, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan: A Political Biography (Meerut, India: Meenakshi Prakashan, 1969), 214–17.

(11) . M. Mujeeb, The Indian Muslims (London: Allen and Unwin, 1967), 450–51; Powell, “Indian Muslim Modernists,” 274–79.

(12) . Cherágh Ali, The Proposed Political, Legal, and Social Reforms in the Ottoman Empire and Other Mohammadan States (Bombay: Education Society’s Press, 1883), xxxii–xxxiii, 144–83; Cherágh Ali, A Critical Exposition of the Popular Jihad (Calcutta: Thacker, Spink, 1885), 193–215.

(13) . Ahamed Meerza Delawarr Hosaen, Muslim Modernism in Bengal: Selected Writings of Delawarr Hosaen Ahamed Meerza, 1840–1913 (Dacca: Centre for Social Studies, Dacca University, 1980), 1:iii–vii, x, 24, 59–60, 65.

(14) . Muhammad ‘Ali, The Holy Qur-an, Containing the Arabic Text with an English Translation and Commentary (Lahore: Ahmadiyya Anjuman Isha‘at-i-Islam, 1920), 78, 975, 1192, and The Religion of Islam: A Comprehensive Discussion of the Sources, Principles, and Practices of Islam (Lahore: Ahmadiyya Anjuman Isha‘at-i-Islam, 1936), 587, 661–70.

(15) . V. R. and L. B. Bevan Jones, Women in Islam: A Manual with Special Reference to Conditions in India (Lucknow: Lucknow Publishing House, 1941), 207–10; M. H. Zaidi, Mothers of the Faithful: Being a Discourse on Polygamy, with a Biographical Sketch of the Wives of Muhammad (Calcutta, 1935), 85–6, 89–91.

(16) . Ghulam A. Parwez, Islam: A Challenge to Religion (New Delhi: Islamic Book Service, 1989), 345–46; Ishtiaq Ahmed, The Concept of an Islamic State: An Analysis of the Ideological Controversy in Pakistan (London: Frances Pinter, 1987), 133.

(17) . Hazrat Mirza Bashir-ud-Din Mahmud Ahmad, Ahmadiyyat; or, The True Islam (Qadian: Book Depot, 1924), 331–33.

(18) . Aga Khan III, Aga Khan III: Selected Speeches and Writings of Sir Sultan Muhammad Shah (London: Kegan Paul International, 1998), 1:117–18, 310.

(19) . Muhammad Iqbal, “Islam as a Moral and Political Ideal,” in Modernist Islam, 1840–1940: A Sourcebook, ed. Charles Kurzman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 304, 307–8.

(20) . Barbara D. Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860–1900 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982), 268–69, 278–80.

(21) . Achille Sékaly, Le congrés du khalifat (Le Caire 13–19 mai 1926) et le congrés du monde musulman (La Mekke, 7 juin–5 juillet 1926) (Paris: Leroux, 1926), 201.

(p.94) (22) . Aziz Ahmad, Islamic Modernism in India and Pakistan, 1857–1964 (London: Oxford University Press, 1967), 254–55; Mujeeb, Indian Muslims, 450.

(23) . Abul A‘la Maududi, Purdah and the Status of Woman in Islam (Lahore: Islamic Publications, 1972), 20–22, 28, 218–19.

(24) . Jamal J. Elias, Islam (London: Routledge, 1999), 108.

(25) . Gilbert Delanoue, Moralistes et politiques musulmans dans l’égypte du XIXe siècle (Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, 1982), 57.

(26) . Jay Spaulding, “Slavery, Land Tenure, and Social Class in the Northern Turkish Sudan,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 15, no. 1 (1982): 4, 10–12.

(27) . Terence Walz, “Black Slavery in Egypt during the Nineteenth Century, as Reflected in the Mahkama Archives of Cairo,” in Slaves and Slavery in Muslim Africa, ed. John R. Willis II (London: Frank Cass, 1985), 147–49, 158.

(28) . Mohammed ibn-Omar el-Tounsy, Voyage au Darfour (Paris: Benjamin Duprat, 1845), viii–xi, 269–70; Mohammed ibn-Omar el-Tounsy, Voyage au Ouadây (Paris: Benjamin Duprat, 1851), 404–5, 467–90.

(29) . John Hunwick and Eve Troutt Powell, The African Diaspora in the Mediterranean Lands of Islam (Princeton, N.J.: Markus Wiener, 2002), 53–54.

(30) . Y. Hakan Erdem, Slavery in the Ottoman Empire and Its Demise, 1800–1909 (London: Macmillan, 1996), 89–90.

(31) . Gabriel Baer, “Slavery and Its Abolition,” in Studies in the Social History of Modern Egypt, ed. Gabriel Baer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969), 163–66.

(32) . R. W. Beachey, A Collection of Documents on the Slave Trade of Eastern Africa, (London: Rex Collings 1976), 33.

(33) . Judith E. Tucker, Women in Nineteenth-Century Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 177–78, 187–88; Baer, “Slavery and Its Abolition,” 183–85.

(34) . Erdem, Slavery in the Ottoman Empire, 89–90.

(35) . Baer, “Slavery and Its Abolition,” 188; Tucker, “Women in Nineteenth-Century Egypt,” 178.

(36) . Wilfrid Blunt, Secret History of the English Occupation of Egypt (London: Fisher Unwin, 1907), 253–54.

(37) . Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798–1939 (London: Oxford University Press, 1970), 222–23.

(38) . Riad Nourallah, personal communication.

(39) . Jacques Jomier, Le commentaire coranique du Manâr: Tendances modernes de l’exégèse coranique en égypte (Paris: Maisonneuve, 1954), 231–32.

(40) . Muhammad ‘Abduh, The Theology of Unity (London: Allen and Unwin, 1966), 152–54.

(41) . Rida’s ideas need to be pieced together from a variety of sources: Amal Ghazal, “Debating Slavery in the Arab Middle East: Abolition between Muslim Reformers and Conservatives,” in Slavery, Islam, and Diaspora, ed. Behnaz Mirzai, Ismael M. Montana, and Paul E. Lovejoy (Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 2009), 139–54; Mazheruddin Siddiqi, Modernist Reformist Thought in the Muslim World (Islamabad: Islamic Research (p.95) Institute, 1982), 182; A. Chris Eccel, Egypt, Islam, and Social Change: Al-Azhar in Conflict and Accommodation (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz, 1984), 416–17; M. A. Zaki Badawi, The Reformers of Egypt (London: Croom Helm, 1978), 114; Hourani, Arabic Thought, 142, 239; Jomier, Le commentaire coranique, 231–35.

(42) . Ahmed Chafik, L’esclavage au point de vue musulman, 2nd ed. (Cairo: Imprimerie Nationale, 1938).

(43) . Diane Robinson-Dunn, The Harem, Slavery, and British Imperial Culture: Anglo-Muslim Relations in the Late Nineteenth Century (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006), ch. 2.

(44) . Erdem, Slavery in the Ottoman Empire, 92.

(45) . ‘Abdelhamid M. Ahmad, Die Auseinandersetzung zwischen al-Azhar und der modernistischen Bewegung in Ägypten (Hamburg: Universität Hamburg, 1963), 103–8; Hourani, Arabic Thought, 164–70.

(46) . Mansour Fahmy, La condition de la femme dans l’Islam (Paris: éditions Allia, 1990), 9–12, 93–113, 159–60.

(47) . Ahmad, Die Auseinandersetzung, 101, 104–5.

(48) . Eve M. Troutt Powell, A Different Shade of Colonialism; Egypt, Great Britain, and the Mastery of the Sudan (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2003), 147–49, 150–5.

(49) . Baer, “Slavery and Its Abolition,” 188.

(50) . Eccel, Egypt, Islam, and Social Change, 417.

(51) . Demetrius A. Zambaco, Les eunuques d’aujourd’hui et ceux de jadis (Paris: Masson, 1911), 36–38.

(52) . Hasan al-Banna, “Peace in Islam” (1948), http://www.youngmuslims.ca/online_library/books/peace_in_islam.

(53) . Sayed Kotb [Sayyid Qutb], Social Justice in Islam, trans. John B. Hardie (New York: Octagon, 1970), 44, 47–49, 112–13, 136, 156–59, 214.

(54) . Muhammad Qutb, Islam: The Misunderstood Religion (Kuwait: al-Assriya, 1967), 62–99, 101–7, 110.

(55) . Ronald Segal, Islam’s Black Slaves: The Other Black Diaspora (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2001), 216–20.

(56) . Judith Miller, God Has Ninety-Nine Names: Reporting from a Militant Middle East (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), 129, 160.

(57) . Mahmoud M. Taha, The Second Message of Islam (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1987), 2–23; 31, 47, 137–38, 161–64.

(58) . ‘Abdullahi A. an-Na‘im, “Shari‘a and Basic Human Rights Concerns,” in Liberal Islam: A Sourcebook, ed. Charles Kurzman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 228–31, 234, 237.

(59) . Mohamed I. Khalil, “Human Rights and Islamization of the Sudan Legal System,” in Religion and Conflict in Sudan, ed. Yusuf Fadl Hasan and Richard Gray (Nairobi: Paulines Publications Africa, 2002), 58–71.

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(94) . Amal Ghazal, personal communication.

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